World War One

1919 Original Wwi Photo German Delegates Peace Conference Berlin Foreign Office

1919 Original Wwi Photo German Delegates Peace Conference Berlin Foreign Office
1919 Original Wwi Photo German Delegates Peace Conference Berlin Foreign Office

1919 Original Wwi Photo German Delegates Peace Conference Berlin Foreign Office


Tski; 16 October 1854 - 17 October 1938 was a Czech-Austrian philosopher, journalist, and Marxist theoretician. Kautsky was one of the most authoritative promulgators of Orthodox Marxism after the death of Friedrich Engels in 1895 until the outbreak of World War I in 1914. He was the most important socialist theorist during the years of the Second International. He founded the socialist journal Neue Zeit. Following the war, Kautsky was an outspoken critic of the Bolshevik Revolution, engaging in polemics with Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky, and Joseph Stalin on the nature of the Soviet state.

Karl Kautsky was born in Prague of an artistic and middle class family - his parents were Johann Kautsky (a scenic designer) and Minna (an actress and writer). The family moved to Vienna when Kautsky was the age of seven. He studied history, philosophy and economics at the University of Vienna from 1874, and became a member of the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ) in 1875. In 1883, Kautsky founded the monthly Die Neue Zeit ("The New Times") in Stuttgart, which became a weekly in 1890. He edited the magazine until September 1917: this gave him a steady income and allowed him to propagate Marxism.

[1] From 1885 to 1890 he spent time in London, where he became a close friend of Friedrich Engels. His position as a prominent Marxist theorist was assured in 1888, when Engels put him to the task of editing Marx's three-volume work Theories of Surplus Value.

[2] In 1891 he co-authored the Erfurt Program of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) together with August Bebel and Eduard Bernstein. Following the death of Engels in 1895, Kautsky became one of the most important and influential theoreticians of Marxism, representing the mainstream of the party together with August Bebel, and outlining a Marxist theory of imperialism. When Bernstein attacked the traditional Marxist position of the necessity for revolution in the late 1890s, Kautsky denounced him, arguing that Bernstein's emphasis on the ethical foundations of Socialism opened the road to a call for an alliance with the "progressive" bourgeoisie and a non-class approach. In 1914, when the German Social-Democrat deputies in the Reichstag voted for war credits, Kautsky (who was not a deputy but attended their meetings) suggested abstaining.

Kautsky claimed that Germany was waging a defensive war against the threat of Czarist Russia. However, in June 1915, about ten months after the war had begun and when it had become obvious that this was going to be a sustained, appallingly brutal and costly struggle, he issued an appeal with Eduard Bernstein and Hugo Haase against the pro-war leaders of the SPD and denounced the German government's annexationist aims. In 1917 he left the SPD for the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) with united Socialists who opposed the war. After the November Revolution in Germany, Kautsky served as under-secretary of State in the Foreign Office in the short-lived SPD-USPD revolutionary government and worked at finding documents which proved the war guilt of Imperial Germany. Kautsky with the Georgian Social-Democrats, Tbilisi, 1920.

In the first row: S. Devdariani, Noe Ramishvili, Noe Zhordania, Kautsky and his wife Luise, Silibistro Jibladze, Razhden Arsenidze. In the second row: Kautsky's secretary Olberg, Victor Tevzaia, K.

Kautsky's opening broadside against the revolutionary violence of the Russian Revolution, Die Diktatur des Proletariats (The Dictatorship of the Proletariat), first published in Vienna in 1918. In 1920, when the USPD split, he went with a minority of that party back into the SPD. He visited Georgia in 1920 and wrote a book on the Democratic Republic of Georgia that at that moment was still independent of Bolshevist Russia. By the time it was published in 1921, Georgia had been thoroughly influenced by the Russian Civil War, the Red Army had invaded Georgia, and the Bolsheviks had imposed the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic. He assisted in the creation of the party program adopted in Heidelberg (1925) by the German Social Democratic Party.

In 1924, at the age of 70, Kautsky moved back to Vienna with his family, and remained there until 1938. At the time of Hitler's Anschluss, he fled to Czechoslovakia and thence by plane to Amsterdam, where he died in the same year. Karl Kautsky lived in Berlin-Friedenau for many years; his wife, Luise Kautsky, became a close friend of Rosa Luxemburg, who also lived in Friedenau. A commemorative plaque marks where Kautsky lived at Saarstraße 14. Vladimir Lenin described Kautsky as a "renegade" in his pamphlet "The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky"; Kautsky in turn castigated Lenin in his 1934 work Marxism and Bolshevism: Democracy and Dictatorship. The Bolsheviki under Lenin's leadership, however, succeeded in capturing control of the armed forces in Petrograd and later in Moscow and thus laid the foundation for a new dictatorship in place of the old Czarist dictatorship. Both Lenin and Trotsky, however, defended the Bolshevik Revolution as a legitimate and historic social upheaval akin to the French Revolution, casting themselves and the Bolsheviks in the role of the Jacobins, and viewing the "opportunism" of Kautsky and similar figures as a function of "social bribery" rooted in their increasing intimacy with the privileged classes. A collection of excerpts of Kautsky's writings, Social Democracy vs. Communism, discussed Bolshevist rule in Russia. He saw the Bolsheviks (or Communists) as a conspiratorial organization that had gained power by a coup and initiated revolutionary changes for which there was no economic rationale in Russia. Instead, a bureaucracy-dominated society developed, the miseries of which outweighed the problems of Western capitalism. Foreign tourists in Russia stand in silent amazement before the gigantic enterprises created there, as they stand before the pyramids, for example. Only seldom does the thought occur to them what enslavement, what lowering of human self-esteem was connected with the construction of those gigantic establishments. They extracted the means for the creation of material productive forces by destroying the most essential productive force of all - the laboring man. In the terrible conditions created by the Piatiletka, people rapidly perished. Soviet films, of course, did not show this. Kautsky died on 17 October 1938, in Amsterdam.

His son, Benedikt Kautsky [de] spent seven years in concentration camps; his wife Luise Kautsky died in Auschwitz. Kautsky is notable for, in addition to his anti-Bolshevik polemics, his editing and publication of Marx's Capital, Volume IV (usually published as Theories of Surplus Value).

The Economic Doctrines of Karl Marx. Thomas More and his Utopia. New York: New York Labor News Co. Communism in Central Europe at the Time of the Reformation.

Forerunners of Modern Socialism, 1895. Frederick Engels: His Life, His Work and His Writings. On The Agrarian Question (1899), Pete Burgess, trans. The Social Revolution and On the Day After the Social Revolution.

London: Twentieth Century Press, 1903. Socialism and Colonial Policy (1907). Ethics and the Materialist Conception of History. The Road to Power A. The Class Struggle (Erfurt Program). The High Cost of Living: Changes in Gold Production and the Rise in Prices. The Guilt of William Hohenzollern. London: Skeffington and Son, n. The Dictatorship of the Proletariat. London: National Labour Press, n. Terrorism and Communism: A Contribution to the Natural History of Revolution. London: National Labour Press, 1920. "Preface" to The Twelve Who Are to Die: The Trial of the Socialists-Revolutionists in Moscow. Berlin: Delegation of the Party of Socialists-Revolutionists, 1922. Foundations of Christianity: A Study of Christian Origins. New York: International Publishers, 1925.

London: National Labour Press, 1925. Are the Jews a Race?

New York: International Publishers, 1926. New York: American League for Democratic Socialism, 1932. The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky, a response to Kautsky written by Vladimir Lenin. Terrorism and Communism, a pamphlet written by Leon Trotsky in response to a Kautsky pamphlet by the same name (1920).

Archived from the original on 18 May 2008. "Karl Kautsky and Marxist Historiography". "Karl Kautsky: Marxism and Bolshevism (1934)".

Is Soviet Russia A Socialist State? Social Theory: a historical introduction. "Illusions about the peasantry: Karl Kautsky and the agrarian question" (PDF). New Haven: Yale University Press.

Karl Kautsky on capitalism in the ancient World. Journal of Peasant Studies 30.2 (2003): 146-158.

'The American Worker' and the Theory of Permanent Revolution: Karl Kautsky on Werner Sombart's Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? Historical Materialism 11.4 (2003): 79-123. On the Formation of Marxism: Karl Kautsky's Theory of Capitalism, the Marxism of the Second International and Karl Marx's Critique of Political Economy. [2015] Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2016.

Kolakowski, Leszek, Main Currents of Marxism. Constructing marxism: Karl Kautsky and the French revolution. History of European ideas 35.4 (2009): 450-464. London: New Left Books, 1979. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1978.

Karl Kautsky on Democracy and Republicanism. Edited and translated by Ben Lewis.

Eduard Bernstein (6 January 1850 - 18 December 1932) was a German social-democratic Marxist theorist and politician. A member of the Social Democratic Party (SPD), Bernstein had held close association to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, but he saw flaws in Marxist thinking and began to criticise views held by Marxism when he investigated and challenged the Marxist materialist theory of history. [1] He rejected significant parts of Marxist theory that were based upon Hegelian metaphysics and rejected the Hegelian dialectical perspective. Bernstein distinguished between early and mature Marxism. The former, exemplified by Marx and Engels's 1848 The Communist Manifesto was opposed by Bernstein for what he regarded as its violent Blanquist tendencies.

Bernstein embraced the latter, holding that socialism could be achieved by peaceful means through incremental legislative reform in democratic societies. Bernstein's moderation under attack.

Bernstein was born in Schöneberg (now part of Berlin) to Jewish parents who were active in the Reform Temple on the Johannistrasse whose services were performed on Sunday. His father was a locomotive driver.

From 1866 to 1878, he was employed in banks as a banker's clerk after leaving school. [4] Bernstein's political career began in 1872, when he joined a socialist party with Marxist tendencies, known formally as the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany, a proponent of the Eisenach, named after a German town, type of German socialism. He soon became known as an activist.

Bernstein's party contested two elections against a rival socialist party, the Lassalleans (Ferdinand Lassalle's General German Workers' Association), but in both elections neither party was able to win a significant majority of the left-wing vote. Consequently, Bernstein, together with August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht, prepared the Einigungsparteitag ("Unification Party Congress") with the Lassalleans in Gotha in 1875. Karl Marx's famous Critique of the Gotha Program criticised what he saw as a Lassallean victory over the Eisenachers, whom he favoured.

Bernstein later noted that it was Liebknecht, considered by many to be the strongest Marxist advocate within the Eisenacher faction, who proposed the inclusion of many of the ideas that so thoroughly irritated Marx. In the 1877 elections, the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) gained 493,000 votes. However, two assassination attempts on Kaiser Wilhelm I the next year provided Chancellor Otto von Bismarck a pretext to introduce a law banning all socialist organisations, assemblies and publications. There had been no Social Democratic involvement in either assassination attempt, but the popular reaction against "enemies of the Reich" induced a compliant Reichstag to approve Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws.

Bismarck's strict anti-socialist legislation was passed on 12 October 1878. For nearly all practical purposes, the SPD was outlawed and throughout Germany, it was actively suppressed. However, it was still possible for Social Democrats to campaign as individuals for election to the Reichstag, which they did, despite the severe persecution subjected to the party, and actually increased its electoral success, gaining 550,000 votes in 1884 and 763,000 in 1887. The vehemence of Bernstein's opposition to the government of Bismarck made it desirable for him to leave Germany. [6] Shortly before the Anti-Socialist Laws came into effect, Bernstein went into exile in Zurich, accepting a position as private secretary for the social-democratic patron Karl Höchberg, a wealthy supporter of social democracy. A warrant subsequently issued for his arrest ruled out any possibility for him to return to Germany, and he was to remain in exile for more than 20 years. In 1888, Bismarck convinced the Swiss government to expel a number of important members of German social democracy and so Bernstein relocated to London, where he associated with Friedrich Engels and Karl Kautsky.

It was soon after his arrival in Switzerland that he began to think of himself as a Marxist. [7] In 1880, he accompanied Bebel to London to clear up a misunderstanding concerning his involvement with an article published by Höchberg that was denounced by Marx and Engels as being "chock-full of bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideas".

The visit was a success, and particularly, Engels in particular was impressed by Bernstein's zeal and ideas. Back in Zurich, Bernstein became increasingly active in working for Der Sozialdemokrat (Social Democrat) and later succeeded Georg von Vollmar as the paper's editor, which he was for 10 years. It was during those years between 1880 and 1890 that Bernstein established his reputation as a major party theoretician and a Marxist of impeccable orthodoxy. He was helped in that by the close personal and professional relationship he established with Engels. The relationship owed much to the fact that he shared Engels's strategic vision and accepted most of the particular policies that Engels believed the ideas to entail.

In 1887, the German government persuaded the Swiss authorities to ban Der Sozialdemokrat. Bernstein moved to London, where he resumed publication from premises in Kentish Town.

His relationship with Engels soon developed into friendship. He also communicated with various English socialist organizations, notably the Fabian Society and Henry Mayers Hyndman's Social Democratic Federation. [8] In later years, his opponents routinely claimed that his "revisionism" was caused by seeing the world "through English spectacles".

However, Bernstein denied the charges. In 1895, Engels was deeply distressed when he discovered that his introduction to a new edition of The Class Struggles in France, written by Marx in 1850, had been edited by Bernstein and Kautsky in a manner that left the impression that he had become a proponent of a peaceful road to socialism.

On 1 April 1895, four months before his death, Engels wrote to Kautsky. I was amazed to see today in the Vorwärts an excerpt from my'Introduction' that had been printed without my knowledge and tricked out in such a way as to present me as a peace-loving proponent of legality quand même (at all costs). Which is all the more reason why I should like it to appear in its entirety in the Neue Zeit in order that this disgraceful impression may be erased. I shall leave Liebknecht in no doubt as to what I think about it and the same applies to those who, irrespective of who they may be, gave him this opportunity of perverting my views and, what's more, without so much as a word to me about it.

In 1891, Bernstein was one of the authors of the Erfurt Program and from 1896 to 1898, he published a series of articles entitled Probleme des Sozialismus (Problems of Socialism) that resulted in the revisionism debate in the SPD. [11] He also published the book Die Voraussetzungen des Sozialismus und die Aufgaben der Sozialdemokratie (The Prerequisites for Socialism and the Tasks of Social Democracy) in 1899. The book was in great contrast to the positions of Bebel, Kautsky and Liebknecht. Rosa Luxemburg's 1900 essay Reform or Revolution?

Was also a polemic against Bernstein's position. In 1900, Berstein published Zur Geschichte und Theorie des Sozialismus (The History and Theory of Socialism). The USPD board on 5 December 1919 included Bernstein. He became an editor of the newspaper Vorwärts that year[6][12] and a member of the Reichstag from 1902 to 1918. He voted against the armament tabling in 1913, together with the SPD fraction's left wing.

Although he voted for war credits in August 1914, he opposed World War I from July 1915 and, in 1917, was among the founders of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD), which united antiwar socialists, including reformists like Bernstein, centrists like Kautsky and revolutionary socialists like Karl Liebknecht. He was a member of the USDP until 1919, when he rejoined the SPD. From 1920 to 1928, Bernstein was again a member of the Reichstag.

He retired from political life in 1928. Bernstein died on 18 December 1932 in Berlin. A commemorative plaque is placed in his memory at Bozener Straße 18, Berlin-Schöneberg, where he lived from 1918 until his death. His grave in the Eisackstrasse Cemetery became a grave of honour (German: Ehrengrab) in Berlin. Die Voraussetzungen des Sozialismus (1899) was Bernstein's most significant work. Bernstein was principally concerned with refuting Karl Marx's predictions about the imminent and inevitable demise of capitalism and Marx's consequent laissez-faire policy which opposed ameliorative social interventions before the demise. Bernstein indicated simple facts, which he considered to be evidence that Marx's predictions were not being borne out while he noted that while the centralisation of capitalist industry was significant, it was not becoming wholescale and that the ownership of capital was becoming more and not less diffuse.

[12][13] Bernstein's analysis of agriculture, according to which Bernstein believed that land ownership was becoming less concentrated, was largely based on the work of Eduard David[14] and was in its marshalling of facts impressive enough that even his Orthodox Marxist opponent Karl Kautsky acknowledged its value. As to Marx's belief in the disappearance of the middleman, Bernstein declared that the entrepreneur class was being steadily recruited from the proletariat class and so all compromise measures, such as the state regulation of the hours of labour and provisions for old-age pensions should be encouraged.

For that reason, Bernstein urged the labouring classes to take an active interest in politics. [12] Bernstein also indicated what he considered to be some of the flaws in Marx's labour theory of value. Looking especially at the rapid growth in Germany, Bernstein argued that middle-sized firms would flourish, the size and power of the middle class would grow and that capitalism would successfully adjust and not collapse.

He warned that a violent proletarian revolution, as in France in 1848, produced only reactionary successes, which undermined workers' interests. Therefore, he rejected revolution and instead insisted the best strategy to be patiently building up a durable social movement working for continuous nonviolent incremental change.

In his work, The Quest for Evolutionary Socialism: Eduard Bernstein and Social Democracy, Manfred Steger touches on Bernstein's desire for socialism through peaceful means and incremental legislation. Some say that is Marxism in its mature form after the revisionists said claimed many of Marx's theories to be wrong and came up with theories of their own, including socialism coming through democratic means. Bernstein was vilified by the orthodox Marxists as well as the more radical current led by Rosa Luxemburg for his revisionism. [18] Nonetheless, Bernstein remained very much a socialist, albeit an unorthodox one as he believed that socialism would be achieved by capitalism, not by capitalism's destruction (as rights were gradually won by workers, their cause for grievance would be diminished and consequently, so too would the motivation for revolution). During the intra-party debates about his ideas, Bernstein explained that for him the final goal of socialism was nothing; progress toward that goal was everything.

Luxemburg argued that socialism has its end in social revolution and revisionism amounts in practice to the advice... That we abandon the social revolution-the goal of Social Democracy-and turn social reform from a means of the class struggle into its final aim. [19] She says revisionism has lost sight of scientific socialism and reverted to idealism and therefore lost its predictive force. Since reformists underestimate the anarchy of capitalism and say it has adaptability and viability, by which they mean that the contradictions of capitalism would not of historical necessity drive it to its doom, Luxemburg said they would abandon the objective necessity for socialism and give up all hope for a socialist future.

The movement would collapse unless revisionism is repudiated. Trade unionists, who could see the successes of capitalism and the improvement of working conditions and who wanted to improve working conditions through parliament, generally followed Bernstein while those who were more orthodox hardliners generally followed Luxemburg. Foreign policy was Bernstein's main intellectual interest between 1902 and 1914, with many articles in the Sozialistische Monatshefte (Socialist Monthly). He advocated policies positions for Germany that were aggressively nationalist, imperialist and expansionist. Bernstein considered protectionism (high tariffs on imports) as helping only a selective few, being fortschrittsfeindlich (anti-progressive) for its negative effects on the masses. He argued Germany's protectionism was based only on political expediency, isolating Germany from the world (especially from Britain), creating an autarky that would result only in conflict between Germany and the rest of the world. [23] Bernstein wanted to end Germany's protectionism and argued that tariffs did not increase grain production, did not counter British competition, did not increase farm profits and did not promote improvements in farming. Instead, it inflated rents, interest rates and prices, hurting everyone involved. In contrast, he argued that free trade led to peace, democracy, prosperity and the highest material and moral well-being of all humanity. Bernstein rejected reactionary bourgeois nationalism and called instead for a cosmopolitan-libertarian nationalism. He recognized the historical role of the national factor and said that the proletariat must support their country against external dangers. He called on workers to assimilate themselves within nation-states, which entailed support for colonial policies and imperial projects. Bernstein was sympathetic to the idea of imperial expansions as a positive and civilizing mission, which resulted in a bitter series of polemics with the anti-imperialist Ernest Belfort Bax. [25] Bernstein supported colonialism as it uplifted backward peoples and it worked well for both Britain and Germany. Bernstein supported such policies in an intensely racialised manner, arguing in 1896 that "races who are hostile to or incapable of civilisation cannot claim our sympathy when they revolt against civilisation" and that the "savages [must] be subjugated and made to conform to the rules of higher civilisation". [26] However, he was disturbed by the Kaiser's reckless policies. He wanted strong friendship especially with Britain and France and protection against the Russian threat to Germany. He envisioned a sort of league of nations. Bernstein's views on Jewish matters evolved. He never identified as a Zionist, but after initially favouring a wholly assimilationist solution to "the Jewish Question", his attitude toward Zionism became considerably more sympathetic after World War I. [29][30] Bernstein is also noted for being "one of the first socialists to deal sympathetically with the issue of homosexuality".

18, 1932, Berlin, Social Democratic propagandist, political theorist, and historian, one of the first Socialists to attempt a revision of Karl Marx's tenets, such as abandoning the ideas of the imminent collapse of the capitalist economy and the seizure of power by the proletariat. Although he was not a distinguished theoretician, Bernstein, called "the father of revisionism, " envisaged a type of social democracy that combined private initiative with social reform. Bernstein was born into a Jewish family that had come to the capital of Prussia from Danzig.

His father was a railroad engineer, and his uncle Aaron Bernstein was the editor of the Berliner Volks-Zeitung, a newspaper widely read in progressive working-class circles. It was thus not surprising that at a young age Eduard shared the aspirations of many educated Germans for national unity and democracy. Of an engaging and candid disposition, he retained the goodwill of his superiors when, in 1872, as a young bank clerk, he announced that he had joined the Social Democratic Party. The turbulent years after Prussia's 1871 defeat of France also contributed to the formation of his political beliefs. Yet the ever-genial Bernstein tended to be attracted more to socialism of an undogmatic, pragmatic kind than to radical Marxism.

He preferred the democratic and pacifist Social Democrats to the somewhat authoritarian Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein ("General German Workers' Association"). In joining the party, he became associated with the German socialist organ, Die Zukunft ("The Future"). The economic crisis of 1873, which continued into the 1890s, reinforced his belief in the fragility of capitalism. It was, however, Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's anti-socialist laws that finally impelled him toward a more radical position. Exiled from Germany, he emigrated to Switzerland, abandoning the "ethical socialism" of Karl Höchberg, the wealthy patron of Die Zukunft.

With Marx's consent, he became the editor of the Zürich edition of Der Sozialdemokrat, a periodical that was the rallying centre of the underground socialist party. Expelled from Switzerland at the request of Bismarck in 1888, Bernstein continued the publication of the periodical in London. There he became a close friend of Friedrich Engels, Marx's collaborator and patron, and also came to know intimately the leaders of the influential Fabian Society, which advocated a gradualist development of socialism. Bernstein set forth his revised views in a series of articles and in a letter to the Social Democratic Party meeting at Stuttgart in 1898. In the following year he published Die Voraussetzungen des Sozialismus und die Aufgaben der Sozialdemokratie "The Preconditions of Socialism and the Tasks of Social Democracy"; Eng. He held that socialism is the final result of the liberalism inherent in human aspiration, not the mere product of a revolt against the capitalist middle class. He no longer believed in capitalism's imminent collapse, nor did he any longer regard the bourgeoisie as exclusively parasitic and oppressive. He also believed that the concentration of productive industry was not taking place in all fields as thoroughly or as fast as Marx had predicted.

Citing such reforms as factory legislation and the freeing of labour unions from legal restrictions, he pointed out that, under pressure from the socialist movement, a reaction had set in against the exploitive inclinations of capital. Thus, he argued, the prospects for lasting success lay in steady advance rather than violent upheaval. Get exclusive access to content from our 1768 First Edition with your subscription. In 1902 Bernstein was elected a member of the Reichstag, or Parliament, to which he was reelected several times.

He remained a member of the Reichstag up to 1928. Eventually revisionism became Social Democratic ideology, while the dogmatic Marxism of the socialist theoretician Karl Kautsky and the eclectic Marxism of the German labour leader August Bebel faded into the background.

Bernstein, however, who was opposed to violence between nations as well as between classes, lent his voice to that of the left to fight against militarism. During World War I, although a leading member of his party's right wing, he sided with the Independent Socialists (Unabhängige Sozialdemocratische Partei Deutschlands; USPD) to protest his party's support of the war.

He believed that the establishment of the parliamentary republic opened the way to uninterrupted progress, and after the war he served as secretary of state for economy and finance in 1919. Social Democracy had finally become the great popular and reformist movement he had desired for more than 20 years, and, as an adviser respected by his party, he inspired much of its program.

If he helped to discourage the Germans from following the Russian example of 1917, he could not dissuade them from imitating the Italian fascist model of 1922. He regarded the bloody outrages of the Nazis and their predecessors as the thoughtless actions of unbalanced minds; he was unable to comprehend the nature of National Socialism and remained powerless to prevent its seizure of power. Less than six weeks after his death, the democratic state on which he had set all his hopes was to give way to the dictatorship of Adolf Hitler. This item is in the category "Collectibles\Photographic Images\Photographs".

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1919 Original Wwi Photo German Delegates Peace Conference Berlin Foreign Office